Her war, her justice: Learning from the past

to repair the lives of former girl soldiers

Laura C. Gamarra Amaya*

mn

Su guerra, su justicia: Aprender del pasado

para reparar las vidas de ex niñas soldados

Abstract

Former girl soldiers stand in society as anonymous women with a particular set of challenges

in their reintegration to society. This article studies these specific challenges in post-conflict

nations and assesses how reparations programs have addressed –or failed to address– their

unique needs. Drawing on case studies from transitional justice initiatives in Africa, Latin

America and Asia, the article highlights the scope of armed conflicts and the forms of harm

suffered by girl soldiers, including sexual violence, forced marriages and social stigmatiza-

tion. It takes a qualitative approach in analyzing existing international and domestic repara-

tions frameworks, emphasizing inclusivity, recognition of victimhood and the importance of

tailored, transformative reparations. The article argues for reimagining reparations beyond

financial compensation to include access to education, psychosocial support and community

reintegration efforts. It concludes that transformative reparations are essential to repair the

deep and multilayered harm suffered by former girl soldiers, particularly in supporting them

to rebuild their lives and identities on their own terms. Finally, it offers concrete recommen-

dations for designing future reparations programs that genuinely respond to the lived expe-

riences of former girl soldiers and contribute to their long-term empowerment and healing.

Keywords: Girl soldiers; Sexual violence; Forced marriages; Social stigmatization; Reparations

frameworks; Inclusivity; Recognition of victimhood.

*

Professor of Law at Universidad Católica de Colombia. Member of the Public Law and tic

Research Group; e-mail [lcgamarra @ucatolica .edu .co], orcid [https ://orcid .org /0000-

0002-0823-6224], Scopus ID: 57217489994.

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Resumen

Las ex niñas soldado se presentan en la sociedad como mujeres anónimas con desafíos par-

ticulares para su reintegración. Este artículo estudia estos desafíos específicos en países en

posconflicto y evalúa cómo los programas de reparación han abordado –o no– sus necesi-

dades específicas. Basándose en estudios de caso de iniciativas de justicia transicional en

África, América Latina y Asia, el artículo destaca el alcance de los conflictos armados y los da-

ños que sufren las niñas soldado, que incluyen la violencia sexual, los matrimonios forzados

y la estigmatización social. Adopta un enfoque cualitativo para analizar los marcos de repara-

ción internacionales y nacionales existentes, hace hincapié en la inclusión, el reconocimiento

de la victimización y la importancia de reparaciones personalizadas y transformadoras. El

artículo aboga por re-imaginar las reparaciones más allá de la compensación económica para

incluir el acceso a la educación, el apoyo psicosocial y los esfuerzos de reintegración comu-

nitaria. Concluye que las reparaciones transformadoras son esenciales para reparar el daño

profundo y multidimensional que sufren las ex niñas soldado, en particular, para ayudarlas

a reconstruir sus vidas e identidades según sus propios términos. Por último, ofrece reco-

mendaciones concretas para diseñar futuros programas de reparaciones que respondan de

manera genuina a las experiencias vividas de las ex niñas soldados y contribuyan a su em-

poderamiento y sanación a largo plazo.

Palabras clave: Niñas soldado; Violencia sexual; Matrimonios forzados; Estigmatización so-

cial; Marcos de reparación; Inclusión; Reconocimiento de las víctimas.

Fecha de presentación: 9 de abril de 2025. Revisión: 20 de mayo de 2025. Fecha de aceptación:

20 de mayo de 2025.

ef

I. Introduction

All over the world, armed conflicts have challenged global stability.

Historically, developing nations are more susceptible to the instabil-

ity that gives rise to such armed conflicts¹. After reconciliation efforts

and peace processes, nation building efforts focus on justice for all

the victims, including those members of rebel or national liberation

movements that were recruited during childhood².

1

On the dynamics of political violence and social instability and the role of intellectual

elites shaping narratives that escalate or deescalate violence in this type of contexts, see.

Bernardo Pérez Salazar. “Violencia y política: La pobreza de las ideas en Colombia”,

Revista de Economía Institucional, vol. 18, n^.°35, 2016, pp. 359 to 366, available in

[https ://revistas .uexternado .edu .co /index .php /ecoins /article /view /4734/5493].

Oleh Surkov. “Elaboration of a Method for Strategic Analysis of the Development of the

Armed Forces”, Novum Jus, vol. 16, n.° 3, October-December 2022, pp. 75 to 105, avail-

able in [https ://novumjus .ucatolica .edu .co /article /view /4707/4425]. Similar peace

2

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The phenomenon of child soldiering has caught significant at-

tention within the international legal and humanitarian community;

however, the distinct experiences of girl soldiers have often been mar-

ginalized within both academic scholarship and the design of repara-

tions programs³. Former girl soldiers endure multifaceted forms of

victimization, including, but not limited to, sexual violence, forced

marriage, exploitation and profound social stigmatization⁴. However,

these harms are frequently rendered invisible within general frame-

works addressing the reintegration of child soldiers⁵. Despite inter-

processes have been carried out in Colombia, which have involved adopting positions on

political crimes and the treatment of victims, see Germán Silva García. “Delito político y

narcotráfico”, in Richard Tovar Cárdenas (comp.). La problemática de las drogas. Mitos y

realidades, Bogotá, Externado y Proyecto Enlace del Ministerio de Comunicaciones, 1998,

pp. 65 a 90; id. El proceso de paz. Un paso adelante… dos pasos atrás, Bogotá, Fundación

de Estudios Sociales e Investigaciones Políticas –fesip– and Comité de Solidaridad con

los Presos Polpíticos –cspp–, 1985, pp. 7 y ss. For a discussion about the scope of armed

conflict in other scenarios such as cities: Jaime Cubides Cárdenas, Juan David González

Agudelo and Fernanda Navas Camargo. “Principios clave para el uso de la fuerza en es-

cenarios urbanos en Colombia”, Revista Científica General José María Córdova, vol. 20, n.°

37, January-March 2022, pp. 89 to 107, available in [https ://revistacienti f icaesmic .com /

index .php /esmic /article /view /808/821].

3

For more information: Paola Alexandra Sierra Zamora, Lina Vanessa Jiménez

Barrera, Norman Manuel Rey Torres and Manuel Bermúdez Tapia. “Análisis de las

acciones de atención y tuición a ‘niños soldados’ en el posacuerdo colombiano”, in Paola

Alexandra Sierra Zamora, Manuel Alexis Bermúdez Tapia and César Alberto Karán

Benítez (eds.). Las consecuencias del conflicto armado interno en el posacuerdo colom-

biano, Bogotá, Escuela Militar de Cadetes José María Córdova, 2020, pp. 21 a 46, avail-

able in [https ://librosesmic .com /index .php /editorial /catalog /view /19/40/1241-1].

“1. Las consecuencias del conflicto armado interno en el posacuerdo colombiano”, re-

sults of the research project “Desafíos contemporáneos para la protección de derechos

humanos en escenarios de posconflicto desde enfoques interdisciplinarios – Fase ii”,

by Grupo de Investigación Persona, Instituciones y Exigencias de Justicia, del Centro de

Investigaciones Sociojurídicas, Facultad de Derecho, Universidad Católica de Colombia.

This partly as a result of patriarchal relations of domination. In this regard, Germán Silva

García and Vannia Ávila Cano. “Control penal y género ¡Baracunátana! Una elegía al

poder sobre la rebeldía”, Revista Criminalidad, vol. 64, n.° 2, mayo-agosto de 2022, pp. 23

a 34, available in [https ://revistacriminalidad .policia .gov .co :8000/index .php /revcrimi -

nalidad /article /view /352/597]; Germán Silva García. “El control penal sobre la sexu-

alidad –Fundamentos, extralimitaciones y limitaciones–”, in aa. vv. Memorias xx Jornadas

Internacionales de Derecho Penal, Bogotá, Externado, 1998, pp. 231 a 271; Germán

Silva García and Pamela Tinoco Ordóñez. “Delitos sexuales”, in Pablo Elías González

Monguí (coord.). Derecho penal especial, t. ii, Bogotá, Ibáñez, 2023.

4

5

Jorge Fernando Perdomo Torres. “Criterios de imputación contra los agentes del

Estado. Una referencia especial al caso colombiano”, Novum Jus, vol. 18, n.° 1, January-

April, 2024, pp. 403 to 429, available in [https ://novumjus .ucatolica .edu .co /article /

view /5531/5034].

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Lauara C. Gamarra Amaya

national normative developments recognizing gender-specific harms

in conflict settings, reparative efforts have largely failed to adequately

respond to the complex realities faced by female former combatants.

This article critically examines existing reparations initiatives

through a gender-sensitive approach, focusing on how past experi-

ences can aid the development of more inclusive and transformative

reparations⁶. Through comparative analysis of case studies from post-

conflict societies⁷, it interrogates the extent to which former girl sol-

diers’ needs have been addressed and identifies persistent shortcom-

ings within prevailing reparations frameworks. Ultimately, the article

argues that meaningful reparations for former girl soldiers must tran-

scend monetary compensation to encompass educational opportuni-

ties, psychosocial support and measures aimed at social reintegration

and empowerment. By centering the lived experiences of girl soldiers,

the article contributes to the broader project of rendering transitional

justice mechanisms more responsive to the realities of all victims⁸.

This is a work of legal sociology that deals with a social problem

in a legal context⁹.

6

7

Nicole Coffey Kellett. “Truth and Reparations: A Perpetual Challenge for the

Marginalized in Peru”, The Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Anthropology, vol. 27,

n.° 4, December 2022, pp. 540 to 549.

Jaime Cubides Cárdenas, Daiana Reyes García and Paola Alexandra Sierra Zamora

(eds.). “Desenlace a los conflictos desde la justicia tradicional: Experiencias comparadas,

aportes para el caso colombiano”, Bogotá, Editorial Fundación Universitaria San Mateo,

2021, available in [https ://boo k s .scielo .org /id /w z6q g /pdf /cubides -9786289558227.

pdf].

8

9

For more information: Jaime Cubides Cárdenas, Paola Alexandra Sierra Zamora and

Jean Carlo Mejía Azuero. “Reflexiones en torno a la Justicia Transicional en Colombia:

Fuerzas Armadas, víctimas y posacuerdo”, Utopía y Praxis Latinoamericana, vol. 23, n.° 2,

2018, pp. 11 to 24, available in [https ://www .redal y c .org /journal /279/27957770001/

html /]; Pablo Elías González Monguí. Procesos de selección penal negativa. Investigación

criminológica, Bogotá, Universidad Libre, 2013.

Germán Silva García. “Aspectos fundamentales”, in id. (ed.). Tratado latinoamericano

de sociología jurídica, Bogotá, Instituto Latinoamericano de Altos Estudios –ilae–, 2023,

pp. 15 a 58, available in [https ://libroselectronicos .ilae .edu .co /index .php /ilae /catalog /

view /392/878/1817].

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II. Reparations

One of the fundamental principles of tort liability holds that “all dam-

age must be repaired”¹⁰. This idea continues to be a key feature in

countries belonging to the Civil Law tradition. However, despite this

foundation, recent legislation –influenced by the Anglo-Saxon com-

mon law tradition– has expanded the content and scope of liability

to include measures aimed at sanctioning and deterring harmful con-

duct. Across Europe, North America and South America, legal systems

have been established to compensate victims for harm to their per-

sonal integrity or property when such harm is attributable to another

party. In the United States and other common law countries, tort law

developed from the English common law. In contrast, the framework

for reparations in Colombia and much of South America is rooted in

the Civil Law tradition, where legal rules are systematically codified¹¹.

In traditional tort law, the purpose of awarding damages is to

compensate a person who has suffered harm or loss by restoring

them, as much as possible, to the position they would have been in,

had the harm not occurred¹². In other words, it is meant to make the

injured party whole.

Depending on the legal system and the type of case, these dam-

ages can serve slightly different functions, such as, to cover actual

losses like medical expenses, lost income, emotional suffering, to re-

store to the injured party something that was taken from them, to

punish particularly harmful behavior and deter similar future con-

duct, or to recognize that a legal wrong occurred even if no significant

loss is proven¹³. The idea across all types of monetary damages is that

10 Further review on Tort Liability in other areas of law is found in Laura Cecilia Gamarra

Amaya, Fernanda Navas Camargo, Paula Andrea Barreto Cifuentes and Johanna

Navas Camargo. “Tort liability for unsafe sidewalk conditions: A comparative study be-

tween Colombia and New York city”, Opción: Revista de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales, vol.

35, n.° 25, 2019, pp. 605 to 639, available in [https ://produccioncienti f icalu z.org /index .

php /opcion /article /view /32321/33735].

11 Laura Cecilia Gamarra Amaya. “Damages and Awards: A Comparative Study between

Colombia and the United States”, Revista Jurídicas, vol. 16, n.° 1, pp. 139 to 152, available

in [https ://revistasojs .ucaldas .edu .co /index .php /juridicas /article /view /3137/2997].

12 E. Garrett West. “Refining Constitutional Torts”, Yale Law Journal, 134, n.° 3, January

2025, pp. 858 to 944, available in [https ://y alelawjournal .org /pdf /134.3.W est _pvhi -

d 8 o 8.pdf].

13 Germán Silva García and Pamela Tinoco Ordóñez. “La justicia restaurativa. Un pa-

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money acts as a stand-in for the harm suffered, since the law cannot

usually undo the harm itself.

For victims of armed conflicts, however, monetary damages aim

to provide reparation for violations of internationally recognized

rights¹⁴. The International Court of Justice –icj– and human rights

bodies like the Inter-American Court of Human Rights have stressed

that the goal is to “wipe out” the consequences of the wrongful act

as far as possible¹⁵. Compensation is given when restitution –that is,

restoring the original situation– is impossible; for example, when a

child has been recruited to join the ranks of an organization and has

suffered the effects of the war without having a choice in his or her

future¹⁶.

In transitional justice, which deals with societies emerging from

conflict or authoritarianism¹⁷, monetary awards are one –but not the

only– form of reparation among others like truth commissions, apolo-

rangón entre la justicia penal y la transicional”, Araucaria. Revista Iberoamericana de

Filosofía, Política, Humanidades y Relaciones Internacionales, año 26, n.° 57, 2024, pp.

483 a 504, available in [https ://revistascienti f icas .us .es /index .php /araucaria /article /

view /26801/23317].

14 Robert G. Volterra and Florentine Vos. “How (Not) to Compensate for State

Responsibility in Armed Conflict: The drc v. Uganda Reparations Judgment and the

International Law of Reparations”, in Giuliana Ziccardi Capaldo (ed.), The Global

Community. Yearbook of International Law and Jurisprudence 2023, New York, Oxford

University Press, 2024, pp. 269 to 296. For a case of demands not compensable with

monetary reparations, see Bernardo Pérez Salazar. “¿Qué hay de la responsabilidad

del Estado colombiano después de una condena internacional? El caso de las comu-

nidades afrodescendientes del río Cacarica”, in Jaime Alfonso Cubides Cárdenas and

Tania Giovanna Vivas Barrera (eds.). Responsabilidad internacional y protección ambi-

ental: En tiempos de paz, en medio del conflicto armado y en etapas de posconflicto, Bogotá,

Universidad Católica de Colombia, 2018, pp. 161 to 196, available in [https ://repositor y.

ucatolica .edu .co /entities /publication /2 ddc 2 e 51-8 fa 3-475 b -8967-ab 16 edf 98 b 64].

15 Inter American Court of Human Rights. “Cuadernillos de Jurisprudencia de la Corte

Interamericana de Derechos Humanos”, Bogotá, cidh, 2021, available in [https ://www .

corteidh .o r .cr /sitios /libros /todos /docs /cuadernillo 5_2021.pdf].

16 United Nations. “Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on

the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict”, New York, 25 May 2000, available

in

[https ://treaties .un .org /P ages /V iew D etails .aspx ?src =TREATY&mtdsg _no =IV-11-

b &chapter =4&clang =_en &_gl =1*1 jh k5 wh *_ga *M j EyOT cw ODQzMy4 x NzA5N jcw NzI2*_

ga _TK9BQL5X7Z*MT cx NDQ w M jc yOS41L j E u MT cx NDQ w M jc 0MC4 w L j A u MA..#E nd D ec.].

17 Walter Arévalo Ramírez and Pauline Martini. “When International Legal Standards

Meet Transitional Justice Processes: Balancing Nationals Interests with International

Criminal Law at the Colombian Special Jurisdiction for Peace”, Journal of International

Criminal Justice, vol. 20, n.° 4, September 2022, pp. 1.001 to 1.026.

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gies, memorials or rehabilitation programs¹⁸. Their purpose varies,

but generally it serves to acknowledge that a wrong occurred and that

the state (or another actor) accepts responsibility. It also helps victims

rebuild their lives materially through education, housing, healthcare,

etc. In addition, monetary reparations can help rebuild trust between

citizens and institutions by demonstrating a commitment to justice.

However, monetary damages alone are usually seen as insufficient in

transitional justice. Experts emphasize that reparations must be com-

prehensive, meaning they must combine financial compensation with

symbolic measures and services to truly repair harm and transform

victims’ lives¹⁹.

In Colombia, the National Commission for Reparation and

Reconciliation –cnrr– considers as

victims all those individuals or groups of individuals who, due to or in con-

nection with the internal armed conflict that the country has been experienc-

ing since 1964, have suffered individual or collective harm caused by acts or

omissions that violate the rights enshrined in the Colombian Constitution,

International Human Rights Law, International Humanitarian Law and

International Criminal Law, and that constitute a violation of national crimi-

nal law²⁰.

These harms can include material and moral damage, damage to life

plans and social damage. Material damages include consequential

damages and lost profits, whereas non-material damages involve the

interruption of life plans and moral damage. Consequential damage,

or daño emergente, is the harm or loss²¹arising from the breach of

an obligation, its imperfect fulfillment, or its delayed fulfillment; lost

18 Mónica Alexandra Mendoza Molina. “Inclusión de la niñez en las comisiones de la ver-

dad: Casos Guatemala y Argentina”, Novum Jus, vol. 15, n.° especial, 2021, pp. 127 to 153,

available in [https ://novumjus .ucatolica .edu .co /article /view /4089/3970].

19 Volterra and Vos. How (Not) to Compensate for State Responsibility in Armed Conflict:

The drc v. Uganda Reparations Judgment and the International Law of Reparations”, cit.

20 Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos –cidh–. “Definiciones Estratégicas de la

Comisión Nacional de Reparación y Reconciliación”, 2008, available in [https ://www .cor -

teidh .o r .cr /tablas /CD0373-4.pdf], p. 2.

21 To deepen the review of conceptual use in transitional justice cases, review Daniel

Ricardo Vargas Díaz and Fernanda Navas Camargo. “Colombia´s Special Jurisdiction

for Peace, use of Case concept within their decisions and harm to procedural guarantees”,

Opción: Revista de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales, n.° 93, 2020, pp. 48 to 62, available in

[https ://dialnet .unirioja .es /descarga /articulo /7621421.pdf].

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profits are the profit that is no longer obtained as a result of the obli-

gation not being fulfilled or imperfectly fulfilled, or its delayed fulfill-

ment²².

Regarding non-pecuniary damages, the iachr in its reparations

ruling in the “Cantoral Benavides” case, notes that they are charac-

terized “by not having an economic or patrimonial nature; therefore,

they cannot be assessed in monetary terms”²³. As to damage to the

“life plan”, the ruling in the “Loayza Tamayo” case explains that this

damage “compromises the external freedom of the person, delays,

undermines or frustrates their personal destiny and their reason for

being”²⁴.

Ana Lucía Aguirre Garabito and Irina Sibaja López argue that

social harm refers to the damage, negative impact or reduction in col-

lective well-being resulting from human actions that go against legal

norms, whether lawful or unlawful. It is a type of harm that affects

a community as a whole –an indiscriminate injury suffered by soci-

ety– creating an obligation to make amends for the consequences

caused²⁵. This kind of harm cannot be fully addressed through finan-

cial compensation alone. It requires deeper forms of reparation that

restore victims’ humanity and dignity, acknowledging that the dam-

age includes emotional, physical and moral suffering –such as pain,

fear, and trauma–. As a result, conventional approaches to assessing

damages are insufficient when it comes to human rights violations

committed during the conflict, which often involve not just material

losses but also disruptions to victims’ life plans and the emotional

and symbolic bonds they had developed over time²⁶.

22 Gamarra Amaya. “Damages and Awards: A Comparative Study between Colombia and

the United States”, cit.

23 Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos –cidh–. Caso Cantoral Benavides v. Perú,

Sentencia de 18 de agosto de 2000 (fondo), available in [https ://www .corteidh .o r .cr /

docs /casos /articulos /seriec _69_esp .pdf].

24 Inter American Court of Human Rights. Caso Loayza-Tamayo v. Perú, Sentencia de 17

de septiembre de 1997 (Fondo), available in [https ://www .corteidh .o r .cr /docs /casos /

articulos /seriec _33_esp .pdf].

25 Ana Lucía Aguirre Garabito and Irina Sibaja López. “El daño social: Su conceptual-

ización y posibles aplicaciones”, Revista Judicial, Costa Rica, n.° 101, September 2011, pp.

129 to 160, available in [https ://escuelajudicialpj .poder -judicial .go .cr /A rchivos /docu -

mentos /revs _juds /revista %20101/pdf/010_dañosocial.pdf].

26 Vizney Leonardo Bustamante. “De víctimas a sobrevivientes: Implicaciones para la con-

strucción de paces en Colombia”, Revista de Antropología y Sociología: Virajes, vol. 19, n.°

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Based on this understanding of damage, the meaning of “survi-

vor” in the context of the armed conflict acquires meaning; this con-

cept relates to a person capable of dynamically reconstructing their

life plan and contributing to the reparation of subjective damage. The

victim, on the other hand, acts as a passive subject, awaiting financial

reparation for objective damage as a responsibility of the State²⁷.

III. Reparations for war crimes

In a broad sense, reparations are institutional measures aimed at

addressing the structural deficiencies that lead to repeated violations

of international humanitarian law –ihl– within a State. Their direct

objective is to correct these shortcomings, create general conditions

that comply with international standards on the matter, and conse-

quently, prevent further revictimization by bringing victims closer. In

Colombia, reparations for war crimes are typically anchored by the

guarantee of non-repetition, reflecting the broader transitional jus-

tice framework aimed at addressing the root causes of conflict and

preventing future violations. This guarantee serves not only as a sym-

bolic acknowledgment of victims’ suffering, but also as a practical

commitment to institutional reform, truth-seeking and the disman-

tling of structures that enabled the violence. By prioritizing non-rep-

etition, Colombia underscores its obligation to create conditions that

ensure lasting peace and justice for affected communities²⁸.

International law has made it paramount to provide reparations,

so that citizens that have been victimized and ravaged by war can get

the tools to move forward and advance society. These reparations,

ranging from financial compensation and psychological support to

truth-telling mechanisms and guarantees of non-repetition, are not

merely symbolic; they aid in restoring dignity, acknowledging suffer-

1, January-June 2017, pp. 147 to 163, available in [https ://revistasojs .ucaldas .edu .co /

index .php /virajes /article /view /3289/3055].

27 Nicolas Queloz. “Représentations et Place des Personnes Victimes dans la Justice

Pénale”, Revue Pénale Suisse, t. 131, n.° 4, 2013, pp. 430 to 444, available in [https ://fredi .

hepvs .ch /documents /303594/f iles /6-RPS-NQ uelo z-T exte _VICTIMES.pdf].

28 María Carmelina Londoño Lázaro and Ana María Idárraga Martínez. “La justicia

transicional como garantía de no repetición: El modelo colombiano puesto a prueba”,

Novum Jus, vol. 18, n.° 3, September-December 2024, pp. 307 to 342, available in [https ://

novumjus .ucatolica .edu .co /article /view /5738/5619].

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ing and rebuilding trust in state institutions²⁹. By equipping victims

with the resources and recognition necessary to heal, reparations

play a transformative role in enabling affected populations to reclaim

agency and contribute to the reconstruction and development of their

societies. This legal and moral imperative reflects a broader commit-

ment to peacebuilding and long-term stability in post-conflict set-

tings.

The United Nations General Assembly’s Resolution 60/147³⁰,

adopted in 2005, outlines the Basic Principles and Guidelines on the

Right to a Remedy and Reparation for victims of gross violations of

international human rights law and serious breaches of international

humanitarian law. This non-binding instrument affirms that victims

have the right to equal and effective access to justice, adequate, ef-

fective and prompt reparation for harm suffered, and access to rel-

evant information concerning violations and reparation mechanisms.

Reparations may take various forms, including restitution, compen-

sation, rehabilitation, satisfaction and guarantees of non-repetition³¹.

The principles serve as a guide for states in developing domestic poli-

cies to address the needs of victims and to fulfill their obligations un-

der international law³².

These community level initiatives to repair victims of war crimes

are not only employed all over the world. In Kosovo, for example,

a randomized controlled trial conducted by the Danish Institute

Against Torture –dignity– showed that combining treatments such as

cognitive behavioral therapy, biofeedback and physiotherapy can ef-

29 Idem.

30 United Nations, Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights

–ohchr–. “Basic Principles and Guidelines on the Right to a Remedy and Reparation for

Victims of Gross Violations of International Human Rights Law and Serious Violations of

International Humanitarian Law”, General Assembly Resolution 60/147, 16 December

2005, available in [https ://www .ohch r .org /en /instruments -mechanisms /instruments /

basic -principles -and -guidelines -right -remed y-and -reparation].

31 However, the effectiveness and legitimacy of traditional resocialization has been widely

questioned, which forces us to consider alternative forms of rehabilitation, more in terms

of social utility, Germán Silva García. “La resocialización y la retribución. El debate con-

temporáneo sobre los fines y las funciones de la pena”, en Jaime Bernal Cuéllar (co-

ord.). xxv Jornadas Internacionales de Derecho Penal, Bogotá, Externado, 2003, pp. 307 a

341.

32 ohchr. “Basic Principles and Guidelines on the Right to a Remedy and Reparation for

Victims of Gross Violations of International Human Rights Law and Serious Violations of

International Humanitarian Law”, cit.

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fectively enhance mental health, social integration, and employment

prospects for victims of armed conflict³³.

In the case of The Democratic Republic of Congo, The Trust Fund

for Victims –tfv– has been addressing the needs of individuals af-

fected by severe crimes, including mass killings, sexual violence and

the use of child soldiers, particularly in the Ituri, North and South

Kivu regions. In its initial phase, the tfv supported over 58,000 direct

beneficiaries through initiatives such as physical and psychological

rehabilitation, educational assistance, income-generating activities

and community reconciliation efforts. In 2020, the tfv commenced

a second phase with ten new projects aiming to assist more than

20,000 victims. These projects, implemented in collaboration with

both international and national partners, focus on providing medi-

cal and psychological support, promoting economic self-sufficiency

and fostering peacebuilding within communities. Despite these ef-

forts, ongoing conflicts in regions like Ituri and North Kivu highlight

the continued need for support to help survivors rebuild their lives³⁴.

Some authors have argued that a one-size-fits-all approach is inad-

equate, advocating instead for reparative strategies that consider the

diverse experiences and needs of victims, including gender-based

violence and child soldiering. After all, the system to address repa-

rations for victims of the drc armed conflict is imperfect and needs

more nuanced and context-sensitive reparations that promote justice

and healing³⁵.

The concept of self-repair has gained traction in the last few

years. Acknowledging that state efforts to compensate victims, pro-

ponents of this modality of reparations affirm that the vast majority

of transitional societies fall short of delivering effective reparations

to victims, meaning that they have to rely on the support of civil so-

33 Shr-Jie Wang et al. “A novel bio-psycho-social approach for rehabilitation of traumatized

victims of torture and war in the post-conflict context: A pilot randomized controlled trial

in Kosovo”, Conflict and Health, vol. 10, n.° 1, 2017, pp. 1 to 17, available in [https ://lin k.

springe r .com /content /pdf /10.1186/s 13031-016-0100-y.pdf].

34 The Trust Fund for Victims. Democratic Republic of Congo, available in [https ://www .

trustfundforvictims .org /en /locations /democratic -republic -congo].

35 Amissi M. Manirabona and Jo-Anne Wemmers. “Specific Reparation for Specific

Victimization: A Case for Suitable Reparation Strategies for War Crimes Victims in the

drc”, in International Criminal Law Review, vol. 13, n.° 5, 2013, pp. 977 to 1012.

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ciety or themselves through “self-repair” or “informal repair”³⁶. It

has been argued that transitional justice scholarship increasingly

challenges traditional assumptions about victims’ roles, advocating

for more participatory, grassroots approaches to justice and repara-

tions. Despite this shift, critics argue that victims’ voices are often se-

lectively used, appropriated and reshaped to align with the agendas

of other transitional justice actors. Scholars like Sara Kendall and

Sarah Nouwen point out that portrayals of victims frequently serve

to justify justice initiatives, while their actual voices are abstracted

and depoliticized³⁷. This critique draws on Christie’s notion of the

“ideal victim”, which prioritizes justice for those seen as passive and

vulnerable, thereby ignoring the complex identities and self-determi-

nation of many individuals who do not conform to this narrow im-

age. Christine Schwöbel-Patel highlights how depicting victims as

powerless reinforces their dependence on legal and humanitarian

professionals, who assume authority to speak on their behalf³⁸. This

dynamic not only strips victims of their agency but also perpetuates

structural inequalities by reinforcing the dominance of institutional

actors over those most affected. The concept of self-repair engages

directly with these critiques, questioning the idea that recovery and

reintegration can only come through formal justice mechanisms and

emphasizing the need to recognize and respect victims’ autonomy in

their own healing processes³⁹.

Drawing from the Colombian experience, the papsivi, or The

Psychosocial Care and Comprehensive Health Program for Victims

was launched in 2013, within the framework of Act 1448 of 2011

which aims to improve the quality of life and repair the damage suf-

36 Suneva Gilmore and Luke Moffett. “Finding a Way to Live with the Past: ‘Self-Repair’,

‘Informal Repair’, and Reparations in Transitional Justice”, Journal of Law and Society,

vol. 48, n.° 3, 2021, pp. 455 to 480, available in [https ://onlinelibrar y.wile y.com /doi /

full /10.1111/jols .12311].

37 Sara Kendall and Sarah Nouwen. “Representational Practices at the International

Criminal Court: The Gap between Juridified and Abstract Victimhood”, ssrn Electronic

Journal, 2013, available in [https ://papers .ssrn .com /sol 3/papers .cfm ?abstract _

id =2313094].

38 Christine Schwöbel-Patel. “The ‘Ideal’ Victim of International Criminal Law”, European

Journal of International Law, vol. 29, n.° 3, August 2018, pp. 703 724, available in [https ://

academic .oup .com /ejil /article /29/3/703/5165646].

39 Gilmore and Moffett. “Finding a Way to Live with the Past: ‘Self-Repair’, ‘Informal

Repair’, and Reparations in Transitional Justice”, cit.

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fered by victims of war⁴⁰. Since 1985, the Single Registry of Victims

–ruv– has registered 9,943,287 victims nationwide All of these vic-

tims registered in the ruv are a result of the armed conflict. The total

number of people receiving care is 7,752,091 which corresponds to

the papsivi target population⁴¹.

The papsivi adopts a comprehensive and restorative approach

that views victims as protagonists in their own process of empow-

erment and positive change. One of the program’s characteristics

is its multilevel intervention, focusing on the individual, family and

community levels. The program is implemented in the municipali-

ties by interprofessional care teams composed of psychologists, so-

cial workers and community facilitators⁴². The size and composition

of the teams depend on the number of victims registered in the mu-

nicipalities, the prevalence of victimizing events in the communities

and the predominant level of intervention in the municipalities. The

multilevel and systemic nature of the intervention is evident, on the

one hand, in the fact that psychologists provide psychological care at

the individual level and, to a lesser extent, family therapy is also of-

fered with sessions that seek to repair the psychosocial damage expe-

rienced through direct or indirect exposure to situations of violence.

On the other hand, social workers carry out community-level inter-

ventions focused on promoting the associative fabric and social capi-

tal present in each intervention context. Community promoters, with-

out carrying out interventions in the strict sense, act as facilitators

and as a link between the professionals implementing the program

and the potential beneficiaries of the intervention. The importance of

promoters is crucial given that, as victims themselves, they increase

the ecological validity of the intervention. Given the characteristics of

40 Congreso de la República de Colombia. Ley 1448 from June 10, 2011, “por la cual se

dictan medidas de atención, asistencia y reparación integral a las víctimas del conflicto

armado interno”, Diario Oficial, n.° 48.096, June 10, 2011, available in [https ://www .suin -

juriscol .gov .co /view D ocument .asp ?ruta =L e y es /1680697].

41 Unidad para las Víctimas. “Registro Único de Víctimas (ruv)”, available in [https ://

www .unidadvictimas .gov .co /registro -unico -de -victimas -ruv /].

42 Ignacio Ramos Vidal, Jorge Enrique Palacio Sañudo, Alicia Uribe Orzola and Ilse

Villamil Benitez. “Análisis dinámico de un equipo interprofesional que implementa un

programa de atención psicosocial a víctimas de la guerra”, Interdisciplinaria. Revista de

Psicología y Ciencias Afines, vol. 40, n.° 2, 2023, pp. 517, available in [https ://www .scielo .

org .ar /pdf /interd /v 40 n 2/1668-7027-I nterd -40-02-00541.pdf].

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the implementation of this initiative, it is valid to ask in this research

what structural changes the teams of professionals implementing

papsivi experience⁴³.

Additionally, Colombia implemented the pilot program

Transformando mi futuro (Changing my future) which applied the

“graduation” approach to promote the economic inclusion of victims

of the armed conflict. This approach combines cash transfers, train-

ing, support and access to financial services to facilitate beneficiaries’

transition to sustainable livelihoods⁴⁴. Results indicated significant

improvements in income, assets and food security, although challeng-

es are identified regarding long-term sustainability and the need to

adapt the program to local contexts. The study concludes that, with

appropriate adjustments, this model can be an effective tool for eco-

nomic inclusion policies in post-conflict contexts⁴⁵.

IV. Reparations for former child soldiers

and the need for a gendered approach when

addressing reparations for girl soldiers

Girls have been traditionally absent when assessing the need for

reparations in a post armed conflict scenario⁴⁶. However, seeing as

girls and boys experience conflict differently, there is a need to ad-

dress reparations with a gendered perspective. One obvious situa-

tion that girls face is the disproportionate number of times they are

43 Ministerio de Salud. “Programa de Atención Psicosocial y Salud Integral a Víctimas del

Conflicto Armado and de Atención Psicosocial y Salud Integral”, documento macro pap-

sivi, 2017, available in [https ://www .minsalud .gov .co /sites /rid /L ists /B iblioteca D igital /

RIDE/DE/PS/D ocumento -M arco -papsivi -2017.pdf].

44 Fundación Capital. “Construyendo el mañana: ‘Transformando Mi Futuro’ arranca Su

segundo año en Colombia”, Medium, June 6, 2019, available in [https ://fundacapital .

medium .com /constru y endo -el-mañana-transformando-mi-futuro-arranca-su-segundo-

año-en-colombia-870c7e454e1e].

45 Viviana León Jurado and Jorge H. Maldonado. “A Graduation Approach-Based Program

for Victims of Colombia’s Armed Conflict: Lessons for Economic Inclusion”, Peace

Economics, Peace Science and Public Policy, vol. 28, n.° 2, 2022, pp. 129 to 154.

46 Paola Alexandra Sierra Zamora y Andrés Eduardo Fernandez Osorio. “Perspectivas

del delito de violencia sexual y el posacuerdo colombiano: Un enfoque desde la vic-

timología y la teoría de la reacción social”, in Víctor Rodríguez González (dir.).

Vulnerabilidad de las víctimas desde la perspectiva de género: Una visión criminológica,

Madrid, Dykinson, 2021, pp. 161 a 176.

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137

subject to sexual violence and exploitation compared to their male

peers⁴⁷, not to mention the stigma they face when going back to their

communities⁴⁸. In addition, many girls experience long-term repro-

ductive and psychological health consequences from abuse, including

untreated trauma and complications from childbirth. Girls also miss

out on school or training at a higher rate than boy soldiers due to

pregnancy, childcare or trauma, creating barriers to independence

and livelihood⁴⁹.

Some states have acknowledged the importance of a gendered ap-

proachtoreparationsandhavethereforeincludedthespecificneedsof

girl soldiers in their Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration

–ddr– processes. In Sierra Leone, for example, many girls were ab-

ducted and forced into sexual slavery by the Revolutionary United

Front –ruf–⁵⁰. As a result of their ddr, the Truth and Reconciliation

Commission recognized sexual violence as a major harm and includ-

ed counseling and skills training amongst their reparation efforts⁵¹.

However, the programs often required girls to turn in a weapon to

qualify, and many didn’t have one because they were sex slaves or

support workers. As a result, thousands of girls were excluded from

benefits⁵².

In Uganda, an estimated 75,000 children were abducted and

forced to serve as combatants, porters and sexual slaves from 1979

47 Paola AlexandraSierra Zamora. “Mecanismos y límites de la justicia transicional

colombiana: Especial referencia a las amnistías e indultos”, doctoral thesis, Valencia,

Universidad de Valencia, 2021, available in [https ://roderic .uv .es /bitstreams /ed 280776-

ef 0 f -48 c 0-8 bce -03 b 05290365 c /download].

48 Sarah Williams and Emma Palmer. “Transformative Reparations for Women and Girls

at the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia”, in International Journal of

Transitional Justice, vol. 10, n.° 2, July 2016, pp. 311 to 331.

49 Stacey Hynd. “In/Visible Girls: ‘Girl Soldiers’, Gender and Humanitarianism in African

Conflicts, c. 1955-2005”, in Esther Möller, Johannes Paulmann and Katharina

Stornig (eds.). Gendering Global Humanitarianism in the Twentieth Century, Cham,

Palgrave Macmillan, 2020, pp. 255 to 279.

50 Miriam S. Chaiken. “Women Warriors and Kidnapped Kids: Girl Soldier/Brides in Sierra

Leone”, in Chris Coulter. Bush Wives and Girl Soldiers: Women’s Lives through War and

Peace in Sierra Leone, Ithaca, NY, Cornell University Press, 2009, pp. 566 to 568.

51 Sierra Leone Truth and Reconciliation Commission. “Witness to Truth”, Volume Two

(Chapter 4: Reparations)”, available in [https ://www .sierraleonetrc .org /index .php /view -

the -f inal -report /download -table -of -contents /volume -two /item /witness ?categor y_

id =12].

52 Sierra Leone Truth and Reconciliation Commission. “Witness to Truth”, available in

[https ://www .sierraleonetrc .org].

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to 2005. Girls were forcibly recruited into the Lord’s Resistance Army

–lra–, where many experienced forced motherhood and sexual slav-

ery⁵³. Uganda’s transitional justice policy acknowledges gender-spe-

cific harms and calls for psychosocial support, health care and edu-

cation for survivors of sexual violence. It includes community-based

reconciliation approaches to help with reintegration. Its implementa-

tion is still ongoing and there is a need for victim-centered repara-

tions that prioritize girls’ voices⁵⁴.

In Liberia, girl soldiers were involved in various factions during

Liberia’s civil wars. From 1989 to 2003, Liberia endured two phases of

a brutal civil war that began with Charles Taylor’s National Patriotic

Front rebelling against President Samuel Doe. The first phase ended

in 1997 with Taylor’s election as president, but conflict resumed in

1999 as opposition groups rose against him. Amid peace negotiations

in Ghana in 2003, Taylor was indicted by the Special Court for Sierra

Leone, prompting his resignation and exile to Nigeria. A ceasefire and

the Comprehensive Peace Agreement –cpa– followed, leading to a

two-year transitional government. With international backing, demo-

cratic elections were held in 2005, resulting in the historic election of

Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf. In 2006, Taylor was arrested and later tried

in The Hague for war crimes and crimes against humanity, includ-

ing the use of child soldiers⁵⁵. In this case, the ddr program largely

ignored girls, especially those who didn’t carry weapons, although

many had been excluded from education and reintegration services,

and little was done to address sexual violence trauma⁵⁶.

53 Anne-Marie de Brouwer. “Reparation to Victims of Sexual Violence: Possibilities at

the International Criminal Court and at the Trust Fund for Victims and Their Families”,

Leiden Journal of International Law, vol. 20, n.° 1, March 2007, pp. 207 a 237, available

in [https ://www .researchgate .net /publication /231860379_R eparation _to _V ictims _of _

S exual _V iolence _P ossibilities _at _the _I nternational _C riminal _C ourt _and _at _the _T rust _

F und _for _V ictims _and _T heir _F amilies].

54 International Center for Transitional Justice –ictj–. Uganda, available in [https ://

www .ictj .org /where -we -wor k/uganda].

55 Thomas Jaye. “Transitional Justice and ddr: The Case of Liberia”, New York, International

Center for Transitional Justice, June 2009, available in [https ://www .ictj .org /sites /de -

fault /f iles /ICTJ-DDR-L iberia -R esearch B rief -2009-E nglish _0.pdf].

56 Stephanie Hanson. “Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (ddr) in Africa”,

Council on Foreign Relations, February 15, 2007, available in [https ://www .cf r .org /bac k-

grounder /disarmament -demobili z ation -and -reintegration -ddr -africa].

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In Colombia, addressing reparations for former girl soldiers has

encompassed legal, social and political factors. While the 2016 peace

agreement and related legal measures have established a foundation

for responding to their needs, considerable obstacles still persist.

Act 1448 of 2011 previously mentioned, also called the “Victims

and Land Restitution Law”, seeks to provide reparation to victims of

the country’s internal armed conflict by providing comprehensive

care, assistance and reparation to those affected⁵⁷. The law defines

who is considered a victim and establishes mechanisms for care and

reparation. It also acknowledges that due to age, gender, sexual ori-

entation and disability status, some people are more vulnerable than

others and it calls for a differential approach. Despite this, the actual

implementation of reparations has faced numerous obstacles such as

the lack of coordination among the various government entities that

comprise the National System for Victim Assistance and Reparation,

which hampers the effective implementation of the law, especially

between the national and territorial entities, creating delays and ob-

stacles to the care and reparation of victims⁵⁸.

Another negative aspect is the difficulty in implementing the law,

duetofactorssuchasbureaucracy andlack ofresources. Furthermore,

the law has been criticized for not being effective enough to reach all

victims and for not comprehensively addressing their needs⁵⁹.

Another negative aspect is the difficulty in implementing the law,

duetofactorssuchasbureaucracy andlack ofresources. Furthermore,

the law has been criticized for not being effective enough to reach all

victims and for not comprehensively addressing their needs⁶⁰.

In addition, many scholars view non-custodial sanctions or al-

ternative sanctions as incompatible with the prevailing standards in

international criminal law, international human rights law and inter-

57 Act 1448 de 2011, cit.

58 Angie Mayorga Coy. “La reparación y la participación de las víctimas en la Ley 1448 de

2011 y el Acuerdo de Paz de la Habana”, Trabajo Social, vol. 23, n.° 2, July-December 2021,

pp. 219 to 235, available in [https ://dialnet .unirioja .es /descarga /articulo /8277870.

pdf].

59 Alrle Yimi Diaz Gaviria. “Ley 1448 de 2011. Análisis Crítico a la Restitución de Tierras

como Mecanismo de Reparación Integral”, degree work, Bogotá, Universidad Católica de

Colombia, 2016, available in [https ://repositor y.ucatolica .edu .co /server /api /core /bit -

streams /cd 512 c 30-c 610-4 a 46-980 f -ffda 68 e 6 cf 83/content].

60 Idem.

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national humanitarian law, which generally call for prison sentences

that reflect the seriousness of the crime and the offender’s degree of

culpability⁶¹.

V. The concept of “transformative reparations”

The concept of “Transformative reparations” for victims of armed

conflict –specifically former girl soldiers– is a recent one that has

gained traction in transitional justice settings across the globe⁶².

Transformative reparations go beyond traditional forms of compen-

sation by seeking not only to pay for harm suffered but also to ad-

dress the structural inequalities and social conditions that allowed

the violations to occur in the first place. While the principle of res-

titution aims to restore victims to the situation they were in before

the conflict, transformative reparations recognize that many of these

girls were marked by exclusion, poverty or discrimination, even be-

fore the conflict started⁶³. Thus, reparations must be forward-looking,

aiming to create more equitable and resilient communities where the

root causes of violence and victimization are meaningfully addressed.

A similar concern has been raised in other areas of transitional

and penal policy in Colombia. Beltrán Cárdenas has argued that

when state responses remain anchored in punitive or symbolic mea-

sures, such as expanding incarceration without addressing structural

inequalities, the result is the reproduction of exclusion and the weak-

ening of reintegration processes⁶⁴. This parallel illustrates the broad-

er risk that reparations limited to financial or symbolic dimensions

61 Beatriz E. Mayans Hermida and Barbora Holá. “Punishing Atrocity Crimes in

Transitional Contexts: Advancing Discussions on Adequacy of Alternative Criminal

Sanctions Using the Case of Colombia”, Oxford Journal of Legal Studies, vol. 43, n.° 1, 2023,

pp. 1 to 31, available in [https ://academic .oup .com /ojls /article /43/1/1/6755567].

62 Williams and Palmer. “Transformative Reparations for Women and Girls at the

Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia”, cit.

63 Brianne McGonigle Leyh and Julie Fraser. “Transformative Reparations: Changing the

Game or More of the Same?”, Cambridge International Law Journal, vol. 8, n.° 1, 2019,

pp. 39 to 59, available in [https ://www .elgaronline .com /downloadpdf /view /journals /

cilj /8/1/article -p 39.pdf].

64 Lady Andrea Beltrán Cárdenas. “El fin de la pena privativa de la libertad: Entre la utopía

y el confinamiento”, master’s thesis, Bogotá, Universidad Nacional de Colombia, 2019,

available in [https ://bffrepositorio .unal .edu .co /server /api /core /bitstreams /98614214-

78 bd -4403-993 f -1 a 893423 aea 3/content].

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may fall short of transforming the conditions that originally made

girls vulnerable to recruitment and violence.

These reparations may include a combination of material and

symbolic measures: access to education, land restitution, guarantees

of non-repetition, public acknowledgment of wrongdoing and the

reform of institutions⁶⁵. For example, in post-conflict settings where

women were disproportionately affected by violence, reparations

should not only provide economic support but also challenge patri-

archal structures that enabled gender-based violence. Similarly, for

displaced indigenous communities, returning to their ancestral ter-

ritories may require legal reforms and environmental protections to

ensure that their rights are respected moving forward⁶⁶.

Colombia’s transitional justice system is based on the idea that

a less retributive approach to punishment is viable when supported

by a robust conditionality framework⁶⁷. Under this model, perpetra-

tors can receive reduced sanctions in exchange for meaningful con-

tributions to victims’ rights to truth, justice, reparation and guar-

antees of non-repetition. If the system succeeds in upholding these

rights, it could represent a significant advance in transitional justice

and potentially shift the focus from punitive sanctions toward more

restorative forms of accountability. Such success might pave the way

for broader acceptance of alternatives to imprisonment within transi-

tional justice frameworks. However, if it doesn’t meet its objectives, it

could instead strengthen demands for retributive justice⁶⁸.

65 Sanne Weber. Gender and Citizenship in Transitional Justice. Everyday Experiences of

Reparation and Reintegration in Colombia, Bristol, Bristol University Press, 2023.

66 Williams and Palmer. “Transformative Reparations for Women and Girls at the

Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia”, cit. For a discussion about the

scope of transformative reparation that the iahrc ordered after recognizing the right to

collective landownership to Indigenous and tribal peoples, see Tania Giovanna Vivas

Barrera, Gabriel Alejandro Quintero Sánchez and Bernardo Pérez Salazar. “From

terra nullius to Indigenous collective land rights: Cases before the Inter-American Court

of Human Rights”, AlterNative: An International Journal of Indigenous Peoples, vol. 19, n.°

1, March 2023, pp. 101 to 112.

67 Londoño Lázaro and Idárraga Martínez. “La justicia transicional como garantía de no

repetición: El modelo colombiano puesto a prueba”, cit.

68 Clara Sandoval, Hobeth Martínez Carrillo and Michael Cruz Rodríguez. “The

Challenges of Implementing Special Sanctions (Sanciones Propias) in Colombia and

Providing Retribution, Reparation, Participation and Reincorporation”, Journal of Human

Rights Practice, vol. 14, n.° 2, 2022, pp. 478 a 501, available in [https ://academic .oup .

com /jhrp /article /14/2/478/6659909]. As for an analysis of public perception in

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Conclusions

Reparations alone cannot fully heal the wounds of victims. Although

they are a central component of transitional justice, offering a means

for those responsible to acknowledge and address the harm inflicted,

such measures often fall short of recognizing the active role victims

play in coping with their pain and finding their own paths toward

recovery. In the aftermath of widespread atrocities, reparations are

typically framed as tools for redress, rebuilding social trust or sym-

bolically mending broken relationships. However, this framing can

sometimes seem overly optimistic, failing to account for the profound

and often irreparable nature of the harm endured.

Future reparations programs aimed at former girl soldiers must

begin with their direct participation in every stage of the process, from

design to implementation and evaluation. These girls, often doubly

marginalized because of their age and gender, possess crucial insight

into the harm they endured and the support they need. Creating safe

and confidential environments where they can share their experienc-

es and preferences is essential to ensure their input is meaningful and

free from coercion or fear of stigmatization. Their inclusion should

not be tokenistic but rather embedded in the core decision-making

structures of reparations programs.

Programs must also acknowledge and respond to the deeply gen-

dered nature of the violence girl soldiers experience. This includes

addressing sexual slavery, forced pregnancies, coerced marriages and

the burden of motherhood during and after conflict. Reparations must

offer trauma-informed psychological support specifically designed

to address gender-based violence and its long-term effects. Mental

health services should be coupled with peer support networks and

safe spaces that allow survivors to rebuild their identities outside of

their victimization.

Bogotá of the results of the Transitional Justice System (known as jep) and its impact

con public safety, see, Germán Silva García, Bernardo Pérez Salazar and Pablo Elías

González Monguí. “La Paz Total. ¿El crimen si paga? Percepciones del conflicto y la ne-

gociación en Colombia”, Revista Chilena de Derecho y Ciencia Política, vol. 16, n.° 1, 2025,

pp. 1 a 24, available in [https ://derecho y cienciapolitica .uct .cl /index .php /RDCP/article /

view /467/422].

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Her war, her justice: Learning from the past to repair the lives of former girl soldiers

143

Reparations should be conceived not merely as financial compen-

sation but as long-term, holistic support systems that promote real

transformation. This includes access to education, vocational train-

ing and sustainable livelihood opportunities that are flexible enough

to accommodate young mothers. Healthcare, including reproductive

and maternal services, must be part of the package, recognizing the

intergenerational impact of wartime abuse. Without such structur-

al support, reparations risk being short-term gestures rather than

meaningful steps toward recovery.

Thus, transformative reparations are essential for addressing

the unique harms suffered by former girl soldiers, whose experienc-

es of conflict often include forced recruitment, sexual violence and

the denial of childhood⁶⁹. Traditional reparations, such as financial

compensation or symbolic recognition, fall short in responding to

the deep psychological, social and physical wounds these girls carry.

Transformative measures must acknowledge their dual identities as

both victims and survivors, offering pathways to reclaim their agency,

rebuild their lives and overcome the compounded stigma they often

face within their communities. These reparations must be tailored to

restore not only what was lost but also to support the creation of a life

they choose for themselves, free from coercion and shame.

A crucial component of this process is enabling former girl sol-

diers to become mothers on their own terms. Many were forced into

motherhood under violent and exploitative conditions, and they now

need support systems that allow them to redefine what it means to

parent in a safe and dignified way. This may include access to health-

care, psychosocial services, education and housing –not just for them-

selves, but also for their children–. Transformative reparations, in this

sense, do more than address past harm; they build futures grounded

in autonomy, healing and justice. Supporting girl soldiers in reclaim-

ing motherhood is not only a form of redress but a powerful act of

restoring their full humanity.

69 Then, “… the material [experiences] really connected to those cognitive structures is that

girl soldiers’ specificities, such contexts and social role related experiences, are not ad-

equately addressed by ddr measures. Girl soldiers are silenced before, during and af-

ter the army conflict”. Patricia Nabuco Martuscelli and Leonardo Bandarra. “Triply

silenced agents: Cognitive structures and girl soldiers in Colombia”, Critical Studies on

Security, vol. 8, n.^o3, 2020, available in [https ://www .tandfonline .com /doi /epdf /10.108

0/21624887.2020.1846277?need A ccess =true], p. 235.

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Another vital component is social reintegration, which re-

mains one of the most difficult challenges for former girl soldiers.

Reparations programs must include community-based reconcilia-

tion strategies to reduce stigma and enable acceptance. Working with

traditional authorities, women’s organizations and former combat-

ant groups can help shift societal narratives about girl soldiers from

shame to solidarity. Public education campaigns that humanize their

experiences and acknowledge their resilience can play a powerful

role in this process.

Legal identity is another crucial but often overlooked area. Many

former girl soldiers return home without official documentation due

to displacement, abduction or exploitation. Reparations should in-

clude assistance in securing legal identity documents, such as birth

certificates and national ID cards, which are essential for accessing

education, healthcare and employment. This step not only facilitates

reintegration but also affirms their status as full citizens with rights.

Symbolic and collective measures should complement material

forms of redress. Truth-telling initiatives can offer girl soldiers a plat-

form to share their stories, if they choose, helping to restore their

dignity and validate their suffering. National memorials, public com-

memorations, or days of recognition that specifically acknowledge the

experiences of girl soldiers can also contribute to healing and collec-

tive remembrance. These symbolic acts reinforce a broader cultural

acknowledgment of their place in history and their right to justice.

Ultimately, transformative reparations are needed to rebuild the

social fabric torn by armed conflict and to empower victims as rights-

holders, not merely as recipients of aid. By incorporating a partici-

patory and intersectional approach, such reparations recognize the

diverse experiences and needs of victims while laying the foundation

for lasting peace and justice. While restoring victims to their original

position remains a fundamental goal, it must be understood in the

broader context of achieving substantive equality and social transfor-

mation. Reparations should be a process that empowers former girl

soldiers, not one that forces them to relive their trauma in order to be

heard.

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Her war, her justice: Learning from the past to repair the lives of former girl soldiers

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